In 2023 and 2024, the PLA Rocket Force underwent a sweeping personnel purge. Senior commanders were removed. The political commissar was replaced. Multiple defense industry executives associated with missile programs disappeared from public view. Western observers initially read the purge as evidence of catastrophic problems: missiles filled with water instead of fuel, silos with non-functioning lids, corruption rotting the strategic deterrent. Two years on, a more measured reading is possible.

In March 1996, the People’s Liberation Army conducted missile tests that bracketed Taiwan, splashing ballistic missiles into the sea north and south of the island in a demonstration designed to intimidate Taiwanese voters ahead of the island’s first direct presidential election. The Clinton administration responded by deploying two carrier battle groups to the region — the USS Independence and the USS Nimitz — in the largest American naval deployment in Asia since the Vietnam War. China backed down. The crisis ended without direct military confrontation. Its consequences have structured the strategic competition in the strait for the thirty years since.

Taiwan cannot always buy what it needs. Major defense suppliers limit what they will sell to avoid diplomatic friction with China. American export control legislation restricts the transfer of sensitive technologies. Treaty allies of China will not sell Taiwan weapons at all. The result of these constraints, accumulated over decades, is that Taiwan has been forced to develop a domestic defense industrial base capable of producing the systems it cannot obtain externally — and in several categories, the systems it has developed domestically are among the most important in its order of battle.

No nuclear weapons have been used in combat since 1945. Their influence on the Taiwan Strait is nonetheless pervasive and structural. The nuclear arsenals of the United States and China — and, less directly, those of Russia, Britain, and France — shape every aspect of the conventional military competition in the strait, the escalation calculus that each party brings to crisis management, and the limits that major power decision-makers apply to their own coercive behavior. Understanding Taiwan Strait risk without understanding the nuclear dimension is understanding a building without understanding its foundations.

The PLA Rocket Force — elevated to service branch status in 2015 from the former Second Artillery Corps — is the component of Chinese military power that most directly shapes Taiwan Strait risk assessments. Its inventory of conventional ballistic and cruise missiles, built over thirty years of investment that accelerated after the 1996 Taiwan Strait crisis demonstrated American carrier leverage, is the primary instrument through which China can threaten Taiwan’s military infrastructure, its population centers, and the American and allied forces that would respond to any attack. Understanding what the Rocket Force can do in the first hours of a conflict is prerequisite to understanding every other aspect of Taiwan Strait security.

Stretching from Kyushu southwestward toward Taiwan, the Ryukyu island chain forms a natural barrier between the East China Sea and the Philippine Sea. The chain includes Okinawa — site of the largest American military concentration in the western Pacific — and continues through progressively smaller islands to the Yaeyama group, whose southernmost point lies less than 75 miles from Taiwan’s northeastern tip. This geography is not coincidental to the Taiwan question. It is central to it. Any Chinese military operation in the Taiwan Strait must account for the Ryukyu chain, and any American or Japanese response to such an operation would use the chain as its primary operating framework.